{"id":202914,"date":"1988-07-01T00:00:00","date_gmt":"2019-03-12T18:27:59","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/www.un.org\/unispal\/?p=202914"},"modified":"2019-03-12T18:27:59","modified_gmt":"2019-03-12T18:27:59","slug":"auto-insert-202914","status":"publish","type":"document","link":"https:\/\/www.un.org\/unispal\/document\/auto-insert-202914\/","title":{"rendered":"Fifth North American Regional NGO Symposium (New York, 29 June – 1 July 1988) – Report – DPR publication"},"content":{"rendered":"
\n
UNITED NATIONS NORTH AMERICAN<\/strong><\/p><\/div>\n REGIONAL NGO SYMPOSIUM ON THE<\/strong><\/p><\/div>\n QUESTION OF PALESTINE<\/strong><\/p><\/div>\n Âé¶¹APP Headquarters, New York<\/strong><\/p><\/div>\n 29 June – 1 July 1988<\/strong><\/p><\/div>\n \n <\/p>\n <\/p><\/div>\n CONTENTS<\/p><\/div>\n <\/p>\n \n Page<\/p>\n<\/td>\n<\/tr>\n INTRODUCTION<\/p>\n PANEL DISCUSSION<\/p>\n<\/td>\n 1<\/p>\n 3<\/p>\n<\/td>\n<\/tr>\n Annexes<\/u><\/p>\n<\/td>\n<\/tr>\n I.<\/p>\n<\/td>\n Declaration adopted by the North American Regional<\/p>\n NGO Symposium on the Question of Palestine<\/p>\n<\/td>\n 8<\/p>\n<\/td>\n<\/tr>\n II.<\/p>\n<\/td>\n Resolutions adopted by the North American Regional<\/p>\n NGO Symposium on the Question of Palestine<\/p>\n<\/td>\n 17<\/p>\n<\/td>\n<\/tr>\n III.<\/p>\n<\/td>\n 1988-1989 North American Co-ordinating Committee<\/p>\n for NGOs on the Question of Palestine<\/p>\n<\/td>\n 21<\/p>\n<\/td>\n<\/tr>\n IV.<\/p>\n<\/td>\n Message to the Symposium from Mr. Yasser Arafat,<\/p>\n Chairman of the Executive Committee of the<\/p>\n Palestine Liberation Organization<\/p>\n<\/td>\n 22<\/p>\n<\/td>\n<\/tr>\n V.<\/p>\n<\/td>\n List of participants and observers<\/p>\n<\/td>\n 24<\/p>\n<\/td>\n<\/tr>\n<\/table>\n <\/p>\n <\/span><\/p>\n INTRODUCTION<\/p><\/div>\n \t<\/span>Pursuant to General Assembly resolution 42\/66 B of 2 December 1987, the fifth Âé¶¹APP North American Regional NGO Symposium on the Question of Palestine was convened at Âé¶¹APP Headquarters in New York, from 29 June to 1 July 1988. The theme of the meeting was "The inalienable rights of the Palestinian people". <\/p><\/div>\n <\/p>\n \t<\/span>Forty-seven non-governmental organisations (NGOs) took part in the work of the Symposium, 34 of them as observers. <\/p><\/div>\n <\/p>\n \t<\/span>The Symposium received a message from Mr. Yasser Arafat, Chairman of the Executive Committee of the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO) (see annex IV). <\/p><\/div>\n <\/p>\n \t<\/span>The Symposium was opened by H.E. Mr. Alberto Velazco-San Jose of Cuba, who addressed the meeting on behalf of the Committee on the Exercise of the Inalienable Rights of the Palestinian People. In his statement, he pointed to a new dimension in the work of the North American NGOs since the Palestinian uprising began in December 1987. The Committee, he stressed, had noted with satisfaction and encouragement that various NGO meetings were marked by an increased attendance and all the declarations adopted by those meetings called for the Convening of the International Peace Conference on the Middle East, in accordance with General Assembly resolution 38\/58 C, and contained a pledge by NGOs of further efforts to promote that objective. He said that the Âé¶¹APP was also facing another development of profound importance, the action by the United States, the Host Government, emanating from the legislation adopted by the United States Congress in the foreign Relations Authorization Act, Fiscal Years 1988 and 1989", to close the Permanent Observer Mission of the PLO to the Âé¶¹APP in New York. In this connection, he referred to the General Assembly resolutions reaffirming that the Permanent Observer Mission of the PLO was covered by the provisions of the Headquarters Agreement, that the PLO had the right to establish and maintain premises and adequate functional facilities, and that the personnel of the Mission should be enabled to carry out their official functions. <\/p><\/div>\n <\/p>\n \t<\/span>He further said that the Committee hoped that the Symposium would provide further opportunities to strengthen dialogue and co-operation amongst the various constituents of the NGO community of the North American region and between them and the Committee and the Division for Palestinian Rights of the Âé¶¹APP Secretariat. The Committee also greatly valued the symposia, international meetings and preparatory meetings organised for NGOs and continued to place great emphasis on the strengthening of those bonds of co-operation. He expressed hope that the deliberations of the Symposium could become another building block for peace in the Middle East and for the construction of a better future for the Palestinian people.<\/p><\/div>\n <\/p>\n \t<\/span>Ms. Jeanne Butterfield, Vice-Chairperson of the North American Co-ordinating Committee for NGOs on the Question of Palestine (NACC) and Chairperson of the Symposium, in her introductory statement, said that it was especially urgent for the North American NGOs to come together at the time when the world's attention was captured by the Palestinian intifadah in the West Bank and Gaza and when the urgency of convening an international peace conference, in accordance with General Assembly resolution 38\/58 C was so apparent. North American NGOs, she continued, were committed to building a consensus of public opinion in North America in support of a lasting peace in the Middle East and for justice which provided for the inalienable rights of the Palestinian people. She further said that the North American NGOs had published a periodic newsletter to inform NGOs of upcoming activities and hosted tours of Palestinian women from the occupied territories, with the assistance of the International Co-ordinating Committee for NGOs on the Question of Palestine. NACC had endorsed or sponsored two fact-finding emergency delegations to the occupied territories which had brought back first-hand accounts of events to be used in their work of community education. Most significantly, NACC had presented a programme on the Middle East and the Palestinian questions for 4,000 social studies teachers at their annual convention in Texas in November 1987. In conclusion, she expressed the determination of the participants to adopt a dynamic plan of action that would contribute to strengthening public opinion in North America in support of Palestinian rights and of the goal of convening the International Peace Conference on the Middle East. <\/p><\/div>\n <\/p>\n \t<\/span>Two discussion panels were established at the Symposium. Under Panel I, "The uprising in the occupied Palestinian territories: the urgency of convening the International Peace Conference on the Middle East in accordance with Âé¶¹APP General Assembly resolution 38\/58 C", the following panellists presented papers; <\/p><\/div>\n <\/p>\n Ms. Hanan Mikhail-Ashrawi (Dean of the Arts School, Bir Zeit University); <\/p><\/div>\n <\/p>\n Ms. Tikvah Parnass-Honig (Committee to Confront the "Iron Fist"); <\/p><\/div>\n <\/p>\n Mr. Mubarak Awad (Director, Palestine Centre for the Study of Non-Violence). <\/p><\/div>\n <\/p>\n \t<\/span>Panel II, Implications of the United States legislation affecting the promotion in the United States and the Âé¶¹APP of the inalienable rights of the Palestinian people", was addressed by the following panellists: <\/p><\/div>\n <\/p>\n Ms. Jeanne Butterfield (Palestine Solidarity Committee, Vice-Chairperson, NACC); <\/p><\/div>\n <\/p>\n Mr. Hanna Halaq (professor, Bir Zeit University); <\/p><\/div>\n <\/p>\n Mr. Ramsey Clark (Former United States Attorney-General). <\/p><\/div>\n \t<\/span>Ten workshops were established to discuss the following topics, under the general theme overcoming obstacles and organising in North America;" <\/p><\/div>\n <\/p>\n (a) Congressional and parliamentary; <\/p><\/div>\n <\/p>\n (b) Breakthrough in the media and beyond;<\/p><\/div>\n <\/p>\n (c) Forging links between the Palestinian and North American trade union movements; <\/p><\/div>\n <\/p>\n (d) Religious communities: obstacles created by Christian conservative fundamentalists; building support for Palestinian rights; <\/p><\/div>\n <\/p>\n (e) Effects of occupation on Palestinian children; <\/p><\/div>\n <\/p>\n (f) Educating and mobilising women in solidarity with Palestinian women; <\/p><\/div>\n <\/p>\n (g) Violations of international and United States laws; attacks on Palestinians and the PLO in the United States; <\/p><\/div>\n <\/p>\n (h) Understanding American Jewish policy and problems of organising within the American Jewish community; <\/p><\/div>\n <\/p>\n (i) The importance of the Israeli\/Palestinian issue to the peace and disarmament movements; <\/p><\/div>\n <\/p>\n (j) Obstacles and strategies for organising students in support of Palestinian rights. <\/p><\/div>\n <\/p>\n \t<\/span>The Symposium unanimously adopted a Declaration which is attached to the present report (see annex I). A number of resolutions were also adopted by majority vote (see annex II). <\/p><\/div>\n <\/p><\/div>\n PANEL DISCUSSION<\/p><\/div>\n <\/p>\n Panel I<\/p><\/div>\n <\/p>\n "The uprising in the occupied Palestinian territories: the urgency of convening the<\/u><\/p><\/div>\n International Peace Conference on the Middle East in accordance with<\/u><\/p><\/div>\n Âé¶¹APP General Assembly resolution 38\/58 C"<\/u><\/p><\/div>\n \t<\/span>Ms. Hanan Mikhail-Ashrawi, Dean of the Arts School, Bir Zeit University, was of the view that the intifadah in the West Bank and Gaza, its achievements, premises, and objectives must be understood and placed in the context of its urgent demand for a political solution based on the recognition of the Palestinians' right to self-determination leading to the establishment of an independent Palestinian State. <\/p><\/div>\n <\/p>\n \t<\/span>The intifadah, as an expression of the collective will, had maintained a dual function\/role in actively pursuing its objectives; the more visible and dramatic aspect was the external expression of rebellion in open clashes such as demonstrations, stone-throwing, tire-burning, sit-ins, and marches. These acts served to attract the attention of Israel and the world to the Palestinians' total rejection of the occupation and were consciously carried out in overt defiance of its alien authority.The second and less dramatic aspect of the uprising was the more enduring and significant process of restructuring society, at once severing the ties of inequality, dependence, and exploitation as imposed by the Israeli occupation, while painstakingly and systematically creating alternative Palestinian structures based on authenticity and an effective reordering of priorities and lifestyles. <\/p><\/div>\n <\/p>\n \t<\/span>She noted that the intifadah had succeeded in demythologising the Palestinian-Israeli conflict by challenging misconceptions and distortions and dispelling the cloud of ignorance, racism and prejudice which had engulfed the Palestinian problem. While Israel's success at the tactics of distraction and distortion had obscured the essential realities of the problem, it had also created an unhealthy albeit comfortable (for Israel) international complicity which had relegated the problem to a limbo of stasis and neglect, perhaps in the hope that it might eventually disappear or consume itself by sheer inertia and oversight. <\/p><\/div>\n <\/p>\n \t<\/span>She concluded that the uprising was a means and not an end, and its achievements had been dearly paid for by the Palestinians. If the world failed to take up this opportunity and challenge, it would not only be betraying the Palestinians but also its own human and political integrity. <\/p><\/div>\n <\/p>\n \t<\/span>Mr. Bernard Sabella, assistant professor of sociology, Bethlehem University, expressed his belief that the intifadah was the strongest message of peace that the Palestinian people had given to the world. He underlined that military occupation was always an unjust situation and was always Characterised by relations of control; people under occupation become simply objects, they become dehumanised and it was only natural for dehumanised people to rise up and seek an end to their dehumanisation and this was what the intifadah had done. <\/p><\/div>\n <\/p>\n \t<\/span>Mr. Sabella emphasized that the intifadah signified the Palestinians' desire to change the balance of power because as a people, they were no longer satisfied to be controlled, checked and stopped. As a Palestinian from the occupied territories, he expressed his hope that NGOs would translate some of the recommendations and resolutions adopted at the Symposium into co-operation with, and help and assistance to, the Palestinian people, their NGOs and their organisations. He called upon international NGOs and the international community, especially the United States Government, to press into establishing relations with the legitimate representative of the Palestinians, the PLO, and to initiate the political process, in the framework of an international peace conference, as called for in General Assembly resolution 38\/58 C. <\/p><\/div>\n <\/p>\n \t<\/span>Mr. Mubarak Awad, Director, Palestine Centre for the Study of Non-Violence, noted that ten years after Camp David, the Israelis and Palestinians were no closer to a peace process. The Palestinian uprising, in his opinion, was a message for the Palestinians as well as for the whole world and the Âé¶¹APP that the Palestinians were fighting hard to have justice and peace. He added that the intifadah had shown the whole world that the Palestinians were able and capable of doing it.He further pointed out that the movement toward a comprehensive peace was gaining support among both Israelis and Palestinians. Mr. Awad expressed hope that this support would spread to the United States as well as to other countries. He underlined that this support had to be affirmed also by the Arab countries. In his view, the Palestinians could help and support the Israeli organisations interested in peace.<\/p><\/div>\n <\/p>\n \t<\/span>He concluded by referring to the ability of the Palestinians to accept reconciliation. It was time for NGOs, he stated, to start pressing hard for all parties to the conflict to come together. He was also of the view that the proposed International Peace Conference on the Middle East, under the auspices of the Âé¶¹APP, could serve as a model for those efforts. <\/p><\/div>\n <\/p>\n \t<\/span>Ms. Tikvah Parnass-Honig, Committee to Confront the "Iron Fist", discussing the significance of the intifadah, said that it was, in her view, an expression of the accumulated rage at the daily repression and humiliation caused by the occupation regime. But the nature of the uprising, its Organization, the means of struggle, its demands and goals, were the product of a social and political change on the Palestinian side which had begun a few years before the uprising. <\/p><\/div>\n <\/p>\n \t<\/span>In recent years, the emphasis of the Palestinian struggle had shifted from the military activities and struggle of brave individuals to open mass political struggle. This political struggle had been characterised by three developments: <\/p><\/div>\n <\/p>\n 1.\t<\/span> The establishment of an infrastructure of social institutions which activated the Palestinian masses in various areas of life – such as trade unions, community health centres, women's Organisations, voluntary work organisations, etc.; <\/p><\/div>\n <\/p>\n 2.\t<\/span> The Organization of specific initiatives fighting for democratic rights, such as the committees for prisoners, for family reunification, and for assistance to the refugee camps; <\/p><\/div>\n <\/p>\n 3. \t<\/span>The first steps towards a general Organization, under the leadership of the national institutions, for a mass political struggle against the occupation and its manifestations. <\/p><\/div>\n <\/p>\n \t<\/span>She pointed out that the intifadah had aroused the protest movement in Israel, which had been dormant since the invasion of Lebanon. Among wide circles of Israeli society, the awareness was growing of the heavy cost of occupation, which would definitely grow in the future – a cost of insecurity, of damage to human values, and mainly a cost to the nature and image of Israeli society, and the danger of its degradation and "South Africanization". <\/p><\/div>\n <\/p>\n \t<\/span>The intifadah had accelerated the polarisation of Israeli society: on the one hand, the protest movements against the occupation were widening, which inevitably would also widen Israeli-Palestinian co-operation, while, on the other hand, large parts of the political centre and right had crystallised politically, with the aim of wiping out the national aspirations of the Palestinian people by brutal repression and expulsions.<\/p><\/div>\n <\/p>\n Panel II<\/p><\/div>\n <\/p>\n "Implications of United States legislation affecting the promotion<\/u><\/p><\/div>\n in the United States and the Âé¶¹APP of the<\/u><\/p><\/div>\n inalienable rights of the Palestinian people<\/u>"<\/p><\/div>\n \t<\/span>Ms. Jeanne Butterfield, Chairperson of the Palestine Solidarity Committee and Vice-Chairperson of NACC, expressed satisfaction at the ruling by the United States District Court to the effect that the PLO Observer Mission to the Âé¶¹APP should remain open because to close it would in fact violate international law. Success, however, had only been partial since the ruling had also sustained the provisions prohibiting the expenditure of PLO funds in the United States and had affirmed that any other office of the PLO in the United States could be closed. She then outlined the background and the legal and political implications of the United States legislation in question, which had been sparked by the American-Israeli Political Action Committee and its election-year organising. She described in detail the positions taken on this issue by the United States Department of State, the Âé¶¹APP and the International Court of Justice. Referring to other legislation pending in the United States Congress, she expressed concern that the United States Government remained committed to silencing the voices of Palestinian rights in the United States. The Government continued to say "No" to the PLO at a time when the PLO must be heard and be included as a full and equal partner at the International Peace Conference on the Middle East under Âé¶¹APP auspices. <\/p><\/div>\n <\/p>\n \t<\/span>In conclusion, she called upon NGOs to take action and to assert their right as United States citizens, as NGOs and as organisations concerned with the Palestine question and with Middle East peace, to meet with and hear the views of the PLO, not only at the united Nations but anywhere across the United States. She called for support for efforts by some congressmen to repeal the legislation in question, and stated that NGOs demanded that the United States Government listen to them when they express their view that a just peace in the Middle East required the participation of the PLO. <\/p><\/div>\n <\/p>\n \t<\/span>Mr. Hanna Halaq, assistant professor, Bethlehem University, in addressing the issue of the role of the PLO in the struggle of the Palestinian people, underlined that the PLO enjoyed absolute backing of the Palestinians in the West Bank and Gaza. This, in his view, was one of the clear messages of the intifadah. <\/p><\/div>\n <\/p>\n \t<\/span>He added that at this stage of the intifadah, when the Palestinians expected certain moves by the United States Administration towards normalising relations with the Palestinian people, the opposite was taking place. This led to the loss of United States credibility not only with the Palestinian masses but also with the Arab masses in the region. <\/p><\/div>\n <\/p><\/div>\n \t<\/span>He described the lntifadah as an unarmed effort by the people under occupation to redress the heavily shifted equilibrium of the Middle East balance of forces and to create appropriate conditions for a peaceful settlement. Mr. Halaq, concluding his statement, expressed his opinion that a more concrete effort was required in the international arena to achieve real change and progress in favour of a Palestinian State under the leadership of the PLO. <\/p><\/div>\n \t<\/span>Mr. Ramsey Clark, former Attorney-General of the United States, expressed satisfaction at the ruling of the United States District Court upholding the right of the PLO to maintain a permanent observer mission to the Âé¶¹APP. Quoting from an article by a former Under-Secretary of State for Political Affairs of the United States Department of State, he said that the United States democratic system had created a Congress particularly vulnerable to minorities that can give generously to political campaigns. Israeli interests constituted such a minority and had used that technique to great advantage. <\/p><\/div>\n <\/p>\n \t<\/span>The same author had stated that United States laws permitting tax-exempt contributions for charitable purposes had been freely used to provide Israel with funds for its development, including support, at least indirectly, for controversial Jewish settlements in the occupied West Bank. The United States had provided Israel with the most advanced military technology, giving Israel a clear superiority over its neighbours. As a permanent member of the Security Council, the United States provided an almost certain veto of any resolution unfavourable to Israel. Israel had proceeded with nuclear weapons development without adhering to international safeguards and without any of the Congressional pressures on non-proliferation experienced by other States friendly to the United States. Laws that condition United States military aid on human rights practices were not applied in the case of Israel's punitive actions in the occupied Palestinian territories. Israel had accordingly been able either to frustrate peace efforts it did not like or to turn them to its advantage. Mr. Clark went on to say that it did not make any difference whether Congress appropriated economic or military aid for Israel since money is fungible, and Israel received a vastly larger amount from the United States than any other aid-receiving country. <\/p><\/div>\n <\/p>\n \t<\/span>He went on to say that the legislation adopted by Congress had provided an important opportunity for the United States and its courts to answer the question whether the United States, as a super-Power, intended to abide by the law of nations. The argument he had presented to the court was that Congress had not manifested an unambiguous intent to violate the Headquarters Agreement and international law and compel the closure of the PLO Mission to the Âé¶¹APP, and the judge had had to concur with that argument. The judge had thereby upheld the primacy of international law over domestic law, although his ruling was unfortunate in other respects. Much work remained to be done to secure fully the independence and integrity of the Âé¶¹APP. The work of the Âé¶¹APP to preserve the rights of the PLO and its essential voice and presence in all peace efforts remained of the highest importance. <\/p><\/div>\n * * * <\/p><\/div>\n <\/p>\n H.E. Mr. Alexander Borg Olivier of Malta, in his closing statement, underscored the significance of the testimonies by the experts from the occupied territories and Israel. He pointed out to the role of the workshops established during the Symposium and designed to move the North American NGO community in its strategies for broadening the basis of understanding and support for the question of Palestine in North America. In his view, the conclusions reflected in the Declaration that was adopted by the Symposium were concrete and action-oriented.<\/p><\/div>\n <\/p>\n \n <\/p>\n Annex I<\/p><\/div>\n <\/p>\n DECLARATION ADOPTED BY THE<\/p><\/div>\n NORTH AMERICAN REGIONAL NGO SYMPOSIUM<\/p><\/div>\n ON THE QUESTION OF PALESTINE<\/p><\/div>\n \t<\/span>We, the non-governmental organisations (NGOs) participating in the fifth Âé¶¹APP North American Regional NGO Symposium on the Question of Palestine, wish to thank the Âé¶¹APP Committee on the Exercise of the Inalienable Rights of the Palestinian People for making the present meeting possible. We are indeed honoured by the reception, and the presence of the members and observers of this distinguished Âé¶¹APP body. <\/p><\/div>\n <\/p>\n \t<\/span>We wish also to thank the Chief of the Division for Palestinian Rights and are especially grateful for his enthusiastic support throughout our deliberations. We wish to thank also the Liaison Officer, the staff of the Division and the Department of Conference Services for their invaluable assistance in the preparation and execution of the present meeting. <\/p><\/div>\n <\/p>\n \t<\/span>We wish also to voice our appreciation to the distinguished expert panellists, workshop organisers, resource persons and facilitators who offered their invaluable insights into the question of Palestine and the potential central role to be played by NGOs in North America. The practical suggestions and strategies developed in the workshops assisted us in formulating future collaborative efforts in North America and in linking our efforts to a broader global network. <\/p><\/div>\n <\/p>\n \t<\/span>We note with satisfaction the record attendance and participation in this year's Symposium, and the commitment to Palestinian rights and a just and lasting solution that such participation represents. <\/p><\/div>\n <\/p>\n \t<\/span>We believe the present Meeting contributed to the constructive interaction between the Âé¶¹APP and the North American NGO community concerned to promote the implementation of General Assembly resolution 38\/58 C of 13 December 1983, a resolution whose implementation we hold to be indispensable. <\/p><\/div>\n <\/p>\n \t<\/span>We resolutely reaffirm the international consensus that the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO) is the sole and legitimate representative of the Palestinian people. We affirm the inalienable rights of the Palestinian people to self-determination without external interference and to establish an independent Palestinian State on its own national territory under the leadership of the PLO, and the right of return, in conformity with all relevant Âé¶¹APP resolutions. <\/p><\/div>\n <\/p>\n \t<\/span>We recognise and express our concern for the role that racism, both de facto and de Sure, plays in the situation and treatment of Palestinians inside and outside the 1967 occupied territories. State actions directed against the Palestinians by the Israeli Government, coupled with the uncritical support by the United States Administration of these Israeli policies, shows clearly that racism serves as a buttress for denial of the inalienable rights of the Palestinian people.<\/p><\/div>\n <\/p>\n \t<\/span>We express our admiration for the unity, courage, determination and self-sacrifice of the Palestinian people in the uprising. We commit ourselves to provide moral, political and material support for the intifadah. We request that the Âé¶¹APP Security Council and the Secretary-General seek to arrange for an interim international peace-keeping force to replace the Israeli occupying forces in order to provide protection and ensure respect for the human and political rights of the Palestinian population of the West Bank and Gaza. <\/p><\/div>\n <\/p>\n \t<\/span>In doing so, we affirm our support for the goals of the intifadah as repeatedly stated in leaflets issued by its united national leadership: <\/p><\/div>\n <\/p>\n 1.\t<\/span> Refusal to deal with or give legitimacy to any Israeli-appointed civil authority (police, revenue service, department of motor vehicles, etc.), specifically, municipal council and mayors, which have usurped the rights and responsibilities of an elected national authority. The resignation of such appointed individuals and bodies is an immediate and unequivocal public demand (which has been heeded by most appointees so far); <\/p><\/div>\n <\/p>\n 2.\t<\/span> The rejection of all attempts at creating an alternative Palestinian leadership from the occupied territories and exposing them as attempts at undermining the unity and legitimate PLO leadership of the Palestinian people everywhere; <\/p><\/div>\n <\/p>\n 3.\t<\/span> The qualitative transformation of the intifadah into a full-fledged situation of civil disobedience (more accurately, civil disobedience, rebellion); <\/p><\/div>\n <\/p>\n 4.\t<\/span> Nullification of the emergency laws (Ottoman, British) and an immediate end to Israel's application of them; <\/p><\/div>\n <\/p>\n 5.\t<\/span> The dismantling of Israeli detention camps and centres and the release of all Palestinian prisoners in addition to the cancellation of the Israeli programme of intimidation and terror, including the deployment of troops against civilians in populated areas; <\/p><\/div>\n <\/p><\/div>\n 6.\t<\/span> The cessation of all Israeli measures aimed at creating new geopolitical and demographic facts in the occupied territories such as the confiscation of land, the erection of settlements, the expropriation of resources, the deportation of Palestinians, and the demolition of houses; <\/p><\/div>\n <\/p>\n 7.\t<\/span> The demand for the immediate end of the occupation, since Israel has been proven totally unfit to remain in charge of a civilian population whose human rights it has constantly violated in direct defiance of the Fourth Geneva Convention; <\/p><\/div>\n <\/p>\n 8.\t<\/span> Instituting free elections under the auspices of a neutral international body whereby the Palestinians in the West Bank and Gaza may elect their own local civil authority; <\/p><\/div>\n <\/p>\n 9.\t<\/span> Requesting international intervention in the form of an interim neutral caretakership of the West Bank and Gaza (whether Âé¶¹APP or European Economic Community or other) to safeguard Palestinian rights and to prevent Israel from creating further "facts" and from altering the demographics in the area; <\/p><\/div>\n <\/p>\n 10.\t<\/span> Urging temporary caretakership so that the Palestinians in the West Bank and Gaza can practice their rights, including freedom of expression, freedom of political Organization, and freedom of access to Palestinians everywhere, including their legitimate PLO leadership. All of this is in preparation for the convening of the International Peace Conference on the Middle East as called for in General Assembly resolution 38\/58 C; <\/p><\/div>\n <\/p>\n 11.\t<\/span> The launching of a concerted Palestinian peace offensive clearly expounding political strategy, objectives, and commitments. <\/p><\/div>\n <\/p>\n \t<\/span>The aim of this meeting was to develop practical strategies and support projects for concerted action by North American NGOs. Our primary work was conducted in workshops. We receive their recommendations as we have amended them below, and commend them to all NGOs for their careful consideration. <\/p><\/div>\n Workshop 1<\/u>. Congressional and parliamentary, recommends that: <\/p><\/div>\n <\/p>\n \t<\/span>(a) \t<\/span>NGOs launch a campaign to lobby the United States Congress to cut aid to Israel. Utilizing many strategies, the campaign's major thrust should be that aid to Israel must not be unconditional, but rather must be tied to United States laws which stipulate that nations which are violators of human rights standards cannot be recipients of aid; <\/p><\/div>\n <\/p>\n \t<\/span>(b) \t<\/span>NACC facilitate such a campaign by providing data detailing: the breakdown of United States foreign aid to the region, showing comparison of this aid with aid programmes to other developing regions, and comparing this aid to domestic funding of United States social programmes; <\/p><\/div>\n <\/p>\n \t<\/span>(c)\t<\/span> North American NGOs lobby Congress and Parliament for resolutions in support of the urgency of convening the International Peace Conference in accordance with Âé¶¹APP General Assembly resolution 38\/58 C; <\/p><\/div>\n <\/p>\n
\n<\/p><\/div>\n\n
\n <\/td>\n \n \n <\/td>\n<\/tr>\n \n \n \n \n <\/td>\n<\/tr>\n \n \n \n <\/td>\n<\/tr>\n \n \n \n \n \n \n \n \n \n \n \n \n \n \n \n \n \n \n \n \n
\n<\/p><\/div>\n
\n<\/p><\/div>\n